US Edition
Your source for latest news
USEducation

Trump's New School Voucher Tax Credit Splits Democratic Governors

A federal tax credit launching in January could route billions toward private-school scholarships. Some Democrats are opting in anyway, betting they can bend it toward public schools.

PN
By PressTemps NewsroomPublished Today, 13:48 ET · 5 min read
Trump's New School Voucher Tax Credit Splits Democratic Governors
The U.S. Capitol in Washington. File photo. Photo: Architect of the Capitol, public domain.
What to know
The federal Education Freedom Tax Credit lets donors give up to $1,700 ($3,400 per couple) to scholarship groups and get a dollar-for-dollar tax credit starting in January
Treasury projects the program could raise nearly $26 billion in scholarship donations by 2030, compared with $18 billion in federal Title I funding in 2023
31 states, mostly Republican-led, have opted in; Colorado's Jared Polis and New York's Kathy Hochul are the only Democratic governors who have joined
15 Democratic governors and Washington D.C.'s mayor remain undecided ahead of a January 1 deadline to opt in for 2027

Democratic governors across the country face a January 1 deadline to decide whether to opt their states into a new federal tax-credit program that could send billions of taxpayer dollars toward scholarships for private school tuition, tutoring and other educational costs — a program the Trump administration is calling "America's first nationwide school choice program," and one that is splitting Democrats over whether it secretly helps or quietly undermines public schools.

What the program does

Beginning in January, the federal Education Freedom Tax Credit will let qualifying taxpayers donate up to $1,700 — $3,400 for married couples filing jointly — to a "scholarship-granting organization," or SGO, and receive a dollar-for-dollar reduction in their federal income tax bill. The SGOs then convert those donations into scholarships that families can use for a range of education expenses: private school tuition, but also tutoring, summer school and even computers. According to the Internal Revenue Service, the credit is funded through proposed regulations implementing the program, and more than 138 million people could qualify for it, according to the Institute on Taxation and Economic Policy. The Treasury Department projects the credit could generate nearly $26 billion in scholarship donations by 2030 — compared with the roughly $18 billion that the federal government's largest existing K-12 funding stream, Title I, sent to schools serving low-income students in 2023.

Where the fight stands

Thirty-one states have already signed on to the program, most of them led by Republicans. Colorado's Jared Polis became the first Democratic governor to opt in. "An obvious decision," Polis told NPR. "Of course I want Colorado kids to be the beneficiaries of that. I think many other governors would like kids in their state to be the beneficiaries of that." New York's Kathy Hochul has since joined him, while in Kansas, Kentucky and North Carolina, Republican-controlled legislatures overrode Democratic governors who tried to block participation. Fifteen Democratic governors and the mayor of Washington, D.C., remain undecided, according to a tracker maintained by Education Week, and all face the same January 1 deadline to opt in for 2027.

Other Democrats have drawn a hard line. "That is never going to happen," Minnesota Gov. Tim Walz said earlier this year when asked whether he would opt his state in for 2027. "We are not doing it." If a governor declines, residents of that state can still donate to SGOs and claim the federal tax credit, but families there will not be eligible to receive scholarships.

Why public-school advocates are split

The design of the program is forcing longtime opponents of school vouchers to recalculate. Jessica Levin, litigation director at the Education Law Center, a nonprofit that opposes private-school vouchers, said the structure is "designed to try to make these political wedges." She argues the program functions as a kind of Trojan horse: billed partly as a benefit to public schools, it could still pull families and funding toward private schools, leaving public districts worse off even as some of their students benefit at the margins. "They think, 'Oh, there is a benefit for public schools, and I'm going to get flack,'" Levin said of governors weighing the decision.

The Southern Education Foundation, founded after the Civil War to guarantee schooling for the children of formerly enslaved people, chose to engage with the program rather than fight it once most of the states where it operates had already opted in. "The question for me became less about whether I agreed with every aspect of the program, because I don't, and more about what happens now that the program is moving forward," Raymond C. Pierce, the foundation's president and CEO, said in a statement. Fred Jones Jr., the group's senior director of public policy and advocacy, said the foundation fought the program "very hard" before pivoting to launch its own alliance of SGOs focused on public-school students. "If we have tutoring, if we have afterschool programming, if we get summer learning," Jones said, "I think a number of students in the public school system could be tremendously better off."

Deborah Gist, the former superintendent of Tulsa Public Schools, reached a similar conclusion after founding Future School Fund, a national SGO aimed at public-school students. "I pulled up the bill language itself and saw right there that public schools were very explicitly included," Gist said. "So I immediately started wearing my public school educator hat. I immediately started thinking about all the kinds of things that we could fund." Marguerite Roza of Georgetown University's Edunomics Lab noted that for most donors, participating costs nothing extra: "It's not your money. It's money that you would have sent to the IRS."

What happens next

The decision carries real political risk in both directions. Republicans and school-choice advocates have signaled they intend to campaign against Democratic governors who decline to opt in, framing the choice as turning down free money for families in their states. Teachers' unions and traditional public-school advocates, meanwhile, are pressing holdout governors not to legitimize a program they see as the latest version of a decades-long push to redirect public dollars toward private education, regardless of how the legislation is packaged. Both sides agree the design of the credit — routing the money through voluntary donor contributions rather than direct appropriations — makes it harder to challenge in court than earlier voucher proposals, which is part of why opponents are focusing their energy on governors' opt-in decisions instead.

Governors who opt in for 2027 can later opt out for 2028, and vice versa, meaning the current list of 31 participating states is unlikely to be final. The undecided Democratic governors are expected to face mounting pressure from both sides before the January 1 deadline — from the administration and school choice advocates pushing them to join, and from teachers' unions and public-school groups warning that the program's long-term effect on public school funding remains unproven. Either way, the first scholarships are expected to begin flowing to families in participating states early next year, giving researchers their first real data on whether the program helps public schools, drains them, or does some of each.

More on this story

All US